Final Thoughts on Identity

To conclude this blog series, I will look at one of the first articles read in class. It is titled "Beyond 'Culture' : Space, Identity, and the Politics of Difference" and it was written by authors Akhil Gupta and James Ferguson. This article starts off with the mention of the lack of "self - consciousness" of Western anthropologists when it comes to the "issue of space in anthropological theory" (6). This "issue" essentially goes with the idea of identity. In many ways, a culture forms its own individual identity, through "division of space" (6). Many of the articles read in this class were concerning the concept of identity in Taiwan. It seems as if the country is constantly trying to define itself and refine the definitions it ends up with. Identity has been an important idea to examine while learning about Taiwan and it only seems right to be "self - conscious" of what it all means. It would be impossible to separate one's Western perspective, while looking into the identity issues that are represented in the articles regarding Taiwan. In many ways, the West is so different but there are similarities as well. Although Taiwan has a unique situation with China, which has shaped much of its identity, it is also involved with a multicultural narrative, which in some ways relates to the cultural complexity of the west. Comparisons such as these have been difficult not to make when reading about Taiwan. Comparing geographically distinct locations can also show just how significant (or insignificant) space is to identity as well. If there are similarities between countries that are not near each other, what does that say about identity in general? If anything, learning about Taiwan teaches someone that a collective identity is not easy to define and maintain. Gupta and Ferguson talk about the "mapping of cultures" and how multiculturalism often arises when there are "differences with a locality" (7). The authors of the article themselves acknowledge that multiculturalism is often a "feeble" attempt at offering a definition for a culturally diverse space. Taiwan is certainly a small space but it is not limited in diversity. If the concept of multiculturalism does not work to define the identity of this nation, what will? It is possible that Melissa Brown, author of "Changing Authentic Identities: Evidence from Taiwan and China," may have the best answer to this question. She talks about the fluidity and non-static nature of identities. Brown also talks about how a collective identity is formed and re-shaped by the social interactions that occur within the group. This open-ended concept may be the best possible option to consider when attempting to classify a space. Gupta and Ferguson show that even space itself, does not allow for the creation of a firm identity, as there may be cultural overlap. In the end, Brown's idea of identity as being fluid and dynamic may be the most relevant. Anthropologists and students will make comparisons and have biases but knowing that identity simply can not involve rigid definitions, allows for all kinds of narratives/ perspectives to take place. For a small nation, which is harbouring its own kind of cultural diversity, a variety of perspectives on identity, may just be necessary. 

Works Cited

Brown, Melissa. 2010. “Changing Authentic Identities: Evidence from Taiwan and China.” Journal 

of the Royal Anthropological Institute 16 (3): 459-479. 

Gupta, Akhil and James Ferguson. 1992. “Beyond ‘Culture’: Space, Identity and the Politics of 

Difference.” Cultural Anthropology 7 (1): 6-23. 

Room for Improvement

This blog entry focuses on "RIghts to Recognition: Minority/ Indigenous Politics in the Emerging Taiwanese Nationalism," an article written by Kun-hui Ku. Ku examines "the changing minority/indigenous politics in the emerging Taiwanese nationalism of the past two decades," in her work (Ku, P. 99). She specifically talks about the aboriginal rights movement and the issues surrounding it. In Taiwan, indigenous groups have been "demanding" that the "government grant… (them) their basic human rights and status as a distinct group" (Ku, P. 100).  To go along with this conundrum, Ku talks about concepts such as the "politics of recognition." She reveals the question that often arises when collectives are pleading for their rights, which is, how do the rights of a group, compare to individual rights? Liberalism often favours the individual and with Taiwan adopting more and more democratic/ liberal systems of functioning, it would seam as if collective, aboriginal rights, may not be simple to attain. However, democratization ended up benefiting the indigenous groups and allowed the movement to effectively take shape. Ku talks about the movement involving people who consider themselves to be aborigines. This population of people in Taiwan is dwindling and in recent times, is not a group most Taiwanese want to be associated with. WIth regards to the aboriginal rights movement, the association with aborigines is positive. One of the organizations within the movement adopted the term "aborigine" as its name. According to Ku, this gave the "movement a stronger voice" (Ku, P. 103).  This is an interesting perspective, in other examples of fieldwork, it has been revealed that the Taiwanese are almost ashamed of their aborigine past. However, during the movement of indigenous groups, "the term aborigines gained increasing popularity" (Ku, P. 104).  The movement is not limited to local Taiwanese matters such as this one. Ku makes it clear that aboriginal groups are "actively involved on a global level" (Ku, P. 105). To go along with this, the "changing political climate" constantly occurring within Taiwan, creates an interesting environment for activists. 

It seems as if interesting cases of activism are embedded in Taiwan's cultural tapestry. The story of the aboriginal rights movement is a stimulating one, which Ku tells in her article. The desire for effecting change does not end there for Taiwan. Today, the Sunflower Student Movement, carries along with it,  a new example of fascinating activism to add to Taiwan's history. It is said that "116, 000 people attended the rally that packed streets leading from the Presidential Office" (retrieved from http://focustaiwan.tw/news/aipl/201403310016.aspx). An article on the Focus Taiwan News Channel website claims that this is "one of the biggest student movements Taiwan has ever seen" (retrieved from http://focustaiwan.tw/news/aipl/201403310016.aspx). Ku's article talks deeply about the aboriginal rights movement and now Taiwan has another display of activism on their hands. These to example show Taiwan to be a small nation, which is constantly in a state of lively tension. Whether it a struggle to maintain an identity separate from China's, an aboriginal battle for rights, or the recent student movement, it seams as if the Taiwanese people are always striving for something better. Even though it is a small nation, Taiwan is never satisfied or complacent, there is always room for improvement and the Taiwanese people are certainly looking to improve their country. 

Works Cited

"Activist profiles: the leaders of the Sunflower Student Movement." (2014). Focus Taiwan News Channel. Retrieved from http://focustaiwan.tw/news/aipl/201403310016.aspx.

Ku, Kun-hui. 2005. “Rights to Recognition: Minority/Indigenous Politics in the Emerging 

Taiwanese Nationalism.” Social Analysis 49 (2): 99-121. 

Spirituality in Taiwan

According to Yi - jia Tsai, his article titled "The Writing of History: The Religious Practices of the Mediums' Association in Taiwan," is about "how mediums in contemporary Taiwan engage themselves in the complicated project of modernity" (43). The article mentions the overall importance of mediums in Taiwanese culture. Tsai points out that they have "religious, medical, and political significance" (44). Right away this is a point of interest because it shows a fundamental cultural difference between Taiwan and most Western nations. In the West, the concept of mediums or metaphysical healers, is not taken very seriously. Because the Taiwanese firmly believe in mediumship, this has become a matter of interest for anthropologists. Tsai also talks about the "founding of the Mediums' Association," which "was inspired by a divine revelation received during a meeting of mediums in 1988" (47). This group is considered to be consisting of "religious professionals" (48). These professionals do not associate themselves with rigid religious structures, rather they subscribe to more open - ended spiritual concepts. Philosophies that revolve around ideas of "heaven, earth and humankind," (48) essentially ideas that could inspire the new age thinking currently found in the west. Tsai continues to talk about the Mediums' Association, mentioning the movement that occurred in central Taiwan. Apparently "this movement was inspired by the revelation of deities" (54). It is interesting to note that political decisions are being made based on spiritual ways of thinking, which could not be farther from the secular mindset we are used to in the west. In Taiwan however, spirituality is very much connected to politics. Tsai mentions that "according to mediums, the spirit realm, like the human world, has to face the issue of political tension" (59). He brings this up as an explanation for the "continuous conflict between Mainland China and Taiwan" but it could also explain why Taiwanese people allow mediumship and spiritual matters to be prevalent in the many different aspects of their lives. If politics are integrated into the "spirit realm," then why can't spiritually be taken seriously in a political sense? It is a way of thinking that could not take place in the west but it seems to be a normative mode Ti - jia Tsai is trying to describe in his article. 

Overall, Tsai talked about the Mediums' Association and issues surrounding this organization but the interesting ideas to extract from this article are about spirituality in general. It is fascinating how Taiwan can integrate their belief in mediumship and other metaphysical concepts, into most aspects of their culture. Tsai mentions that mediums offer an alternative way of looking at things. Their views are different than, for example, the Nationalist Party. He attempts to show mediums as people who are offering an alternative to the Taiwanese but at the same time he is describing them as part of the norm within the society. Life in Taiwan seems to be organically integrated with spirituality. There is a belief and reliance on the spiritual. This way of thinking is certainly not a normative model for the west but it makes Taiwan all the more interesting. 

Works Cited

Tsai, Yi-jia. 2004. “The Writing of History: The Religious Practices of the Medium’s Association in 

Taiwan.” Taiwan Journal of Anthropology 2 (2): 43-80.

Possible Legitimacy

Martin Jeffrey's article, titled "A Reasonable Balance of Law and Sentiment: Social Order in Democratic Taiwan from the Policeman's Point of View," talks about a "contradiction" that occurred in Taiwan, when the nation made its "transition" to democracy. It seams as if the country was/is maintaining a system of functioning, which involved a strict/ realist, and democratic "version of the rule of law," while also allowing a "social order organized around an alternative set of cultural values," (p 665, Jeffrey) to exist. Jeffrey explores how the police operate within this "contradiction." He specifically uses information that was accumulated during fieldwork that was conducted in Taipei County. Jeffrey talks a bit about the history of the police state in Taiwan. He mentions that Taiwan's "modern police institutions," were first set in place by the Japanese in 1895. Since that time, the way the police have been organized in Taiwan has experienced some notable changes. These changes occurred when the Chinese gained control over Taiwan (after Japan) and during a time of "anti - communist social mobilization" (Jeffrey). It is obvious that historically, the Taiwanese police system has had to deal with many complexities. To better explain the delicate situation, involving the police in Taiwan, Jeffrey quotes a "neighbourhood patrolman," who said, "the law is a knife and a policeman must be a skill full surgeon if he himself is not to lose control of the blade" (Jeffrey). This patrolman however, may have been overestimating the power of the official police state of Taiwan because since the country became introduced to democracy, an "erosion of the idea of police" (Jeffrey) had begun to take place. This lack of faith in the official police system caused "informal order- keeping institutions" (Jeffrey) to arise. These were/ are often dubbed with the word "black," to show their illegitimacy. Needless to say, the coexistence of the police system and unofficial organizations, is a complication within the country of Taiwan. 

To understand the complex nature of this  "contradiction," Jeffrey examines the idea of legitimacy in the conclusion of his article. He asserts that to define something as being legitimate, is never simple. This is perhaps why the contraction within Taiwan exists. When faith is lost in the official police state, does that not somehow legitimize the unofficial organizations, which attempt to maintain social order? This is not a question that can be easily answered and Taiwanese patrolmen are certainly aware of how difficult the situation is. As Jeffrey puts it, they are "self - consciously… (the) caretakers of an obviously conflicted intersection between ideal of order embodied law… and… a local society organized through particularistic connections rationalized in terms of sentiment" (Jeffrey). If the official patrolmen find it difficult to get rid of the "informal order - keeping institutions" by claiming illegitimacy, it is obvious that Taiwan's contradiction will not be an easy one to overcome. It will be interesting to see if the order - keeping ways of the people, can become the normative mode of functioning, replacing the official police state. The protests occurring in Taiwan today, may be an indication that anything is possible. 

Work Cited

Martin, Jeffrey. 2007. "A Reasonable Balance of Law and Sentiment: Social Order in Democratic Taiwan from the Policeman's Point of View." Law & SOciety Review 41 (3): 665-697.

Multicultural Narrative

Scott R. WIlson's article "Making Hakka Spaces: Resisting Multicultural Nationalism in Taiwan," is yet another one that tackles issues surrounding nationalism in Taiwan. In this article, "state - sponsored" nationalism, which attempts to "enforce" a "cultural uniformity" within the country, is the focus (414). Wilson talks about the nationalist projects that occur in Taiwan, which he claims exist to show the relation of the political and social aspects of the country. By linking the "sociocultural borders," with the political, these projects attempt to illustrate a picture of a "homogenous people" (414). However, as WIlson is quick to point out, this type of hegemony is "difficult to achieve," especially in "modern societies" (415). It is on the same "grounds," where nationalist projects attempt to from a rigid uniformity, that their nationalism is "contested on a daily basis" (415). To gather more info about this conflict, WIlson conducted fieldwork in Taipei, Taiwan. He talked with twelve different culture workers, which is certainly appropriate for the topic of nationalism and projects that attempt to achieve cultural uniformity. This fieldwork, conducted with the help of the culture workers, helped gain understanding about the Hakka people. The Taiwanese Hakka are seen as "uneducated, mountain-dwelling hillbillies" (416). On top of that, this group of people is defined by a "collective identity," which "crosses the mainlander Chinese/ ethnic Taiwanese ethnic boundary" (416). Needless to say, it would be difficult to constrict the way in which the Hakka people define themselves and find a cultural uniformity for them, that fits in with the context of nationalism within Taiwan. This is perhaps why Taiwan has had to refine its context of nationalism. To do this, they ushered in a "new era of multicultural nationalism" (420). Multiculturalism however, tends to enable the ignorance of "histories of social inequality" in order to continue on with its "celebration of ethnic diversity" (422). In other words, it may not be a beneficial context for groups such as the Hakka. The idea of Taiwan using a multicultural narrative to define itself, makes at seem as if the country was(is) attempting to find a solution, to ease the tension of attempting to fit in a variety of different collective identities, into a rigid nationalist context. Although it seems as if multiculturalism could be the answer, Wilson shows that it creates many complications and does not ease any of the tension. Wilson explains that the narratives that are forced on the people by the nation, are often "resisted" (424). Even though Taiwan attempts to function under the narrative of multiculturalism, culture workers still have to put in effort to make sure that people such as the Hakka are not undermined within that context. The cultural tensions within Taiwan, could in a sense be compared to what occurs in the west. Western nations such as Canada and the United States, both relate to a multicultural narrative. It looks like this type of narrative is always used as an attempt to offer a simple solution to a culturally complex area. WIlson reveals this by illustrating the situation in Taiwan. It seems as if a multicultural narrative, is capable of causing more problems than it solves. 

Work Cited 

Wilson, R. Scott. 2009. “Making Hakka Spaces: Resisting Multicultural Nationalism in Taiwan.” 

Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 16 (4): 414-437. 

Taiwanese Identity

Very interesting concepts about identity are brought up in "Changing Authentic Identities: Evidence from Taiwan and China," an article by Melissa Brown. Brown talks about people's identities, collective and individual, and what she believe best defines and affects them. She stresses the importance of social experience, when it comes to identity. Brown claims that identity is "primarily" defined by social experience, which in turn can be influenced by the government, "lived interactions," and "personal factors" (Brown, 459). Because identity is connected with social experience, Brown believes that it is "fluid" (Brown, 460). The social aspect of people's lives is always changing, or as Brown puts it, it is "dynamic" (Brown, 460). Because of this, identity itself is changing and dynamic as well. This reliance on the concept of social experience interacting with identity plays well into Brown's idea about collective identity. Brown writes about she feels collective identities come into existence. She claims that people most commonly associate a nation's/ collective's identity with "shared cultural traditions and ancestry" (Brown, 462). Although she does not view these aspects as "irrelevant," Brown does not equate them with the primary way in which collectives actually self - identify. She believes that each individual within a collective has their own "authentic" and individual experience. The social interactions between the individuals is actually what creates an identity for a nation or a collective. These social interactions offer many layers and methods for classification. When individuals connect and interact a "dynamic network," occurs (Brown, 463). Within this network, connections change and "shift," as they are either "maintained" or "cut - off" (Brown, 463). It is also important to note the hierarchies arise. As Brown puts it, "hierarchical character of interactions influences their aggregation and thereby shapes the network into a structure" (Brown, 463). She believes that within social interaction, hierarchies naturally form and this provides a basis for a nation or a collective to from its identity on. As much as individual experiences/ interactions form a collective identity, Brown believes the collective shapes the individual as well. She is basically describing a loop of influence. Brown also reiterates that collective identity is not "absolute" (Brown, 464). The social experience that defines identity, collective or individual, is in a constant state of flux and not as rigid as concepts of shared traditions. To further strengthen her notions about identity, Brown provides an example involving the plains Aborigines of Taiwan. 

In Taiwan, there used to be a great distinction between the plains Aborigines and Han/ Hoklo Taiwanese people. Although the two groups were very culturally similar, they opted to maintain there separate identities. Hoklo rarely conducted mixed marriages with plains Aborigines people and strictly referred to them as "savages." This separation existed, even though the groups were largely similar. What divided their identities was the cultural practice of foot binding. Foot binding involved binding tightly the feet of young females, in order to prevent them from growing. The Han Taiwanese subscribed to this cultural practice, while the Aborigines did not. When the Japanese banned foot binding, suddenly the groups had no cultural distinctions left to hold on to. The Han Taiwanese and plains Aborigines came to accept one identity. The plains Aborigines became Han and left behind their "savage" identity. This example illustrates Brown's point very well. She claims that identity is dynamic and constantly changing and that is exactly what happened in the example she provided. The Aborigines and and Hoklo seemed to be rigidly separated by a certain tradition but a shift occurred. Brown also mentioned when the separation disappeared, it became accepted for Aborigines and Hoklo to marry. This shows how social interaction occurs and changes within collectives. Brown proves her point about how dynamic identity is and how it is greatly influenced/ defined by social experience. This social experience can also be influenced by external factors such as the government. The Japanese government banned foot binding and changed the social situation of the Hoklo people and Taiwanese Aborigines. Overall, Melissa Brown illustrates her point well within her article. Her ideas about identity can be relevant to Taiwan, even in recent times.  If the nation can realize their identity is based on the social experience/ interaction of the individuals within it, they can gather confidence from the knowledge and stand more firmly in their independence from China. There is nothing more needed to prove a nation has it's own identity. Because Taiwan shares many cultural similarities with China , there is belief that they should not be separate. Brown points out identity is not defined so rigidly. With this knowledge, the Taiwanese people should embrace their identity, which is being defined by the social experience of its citizens, regardless of what is going on with neighboring nations. 

Work Cited

Brown, Melissa. 2010. "Changing Authentic Identities: Evidence from Taiwan and China." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 16 (3): 459 - 479. 

Taiwan's Dependency

It is said that imperialism is usually more beneficial for the "imperialist" than the "imperialized" (p 381). In this type of relationship, between two or more countries, "the poverty of the poor nations is exacerbated and often caused by their economic relations with more powerful countries" (p 381). Imperialism often involves a dependent country that becomes increasingly more poor as it gets to be more dependent. Apparently, upon initial glance, Taiwan seems to be a "paradox" with regard to imperialism. As Hill Gates writes about in her article titled "Dependency and the Part - time Proletariat in Taiwan," Taiwan's dependency on more powerful nations provides a unique case for one to examine. Although Taiwan is dependent on the United States' and Japan's "trade, military, and financial inputs,"  they have also "industrialized reasonably rapidly" and "produce(ed) the second highest living standard in Asia" (p 381). It seems as if Taiwan transcends and contrasts the natural system of functioning, within "dependency theory" (p 382). It could be said that this is because of the country's productivity levels. Taiwan has also maintained, according to Samuel P.S. Ho, a "unique relationship with two of the world's most dynamic economies" and this is definitely "one of the strategic reasons" for its "success" (p 383). This relationship included a "government willingness to promote capitalism" (p 382). Rather than celebrate what seams like a positive for Taiwan, Gates claims that the negative aspects of the dependent relationship are just better hidden. 

In order to look deeper into this situation, Hill Gates examines and talks about the class system in Taiwan. She says that there are five main social classes in Taiwan. The classes that are the focus of this article, are the new middle class and the last/ poor group, which makes up for just above 5% of the population. Gates describes the new middle class as "the class most of Taiwan's movies, fiction, and TV shows portray"(p 393). She also claims that this is the class whose "interests lie with big capitalism and the government that nourishes it" (p 393). Unfortunately, this middle class is exploited in Taiwan, as the nation "has not proceed(ed)… far in its capitalist and technological development" (p 392). Taiwan does not have a handle on the ways of capitalism, which it is supposedly benefiting from. Gates goes into describing the middle class even further, when she compares it to an "exploited petty bourgeoisie, whose most important product is cheap laborers, the distortion of the development of the industrial proletariat as a class, and the encouragement of reactionary familism and ageism" (p 405). Because of this situation with the middle class, there will be debt for the future generations. Although imperialism seems to be positive in Taiwan on a surface level, as Gates points out, the negative aspects are just better hidden. Taiwan has not successfully mastered functioning, while relating to capitalist systems. Although it may seem like they are benefiting from the countries they are dependent on, this relationship is creating a future for them that involves debt and more dependence. Unfortunately, Taiwan's dependency may not be a unique case after all.  

Work Cited

Gates, Hill. 1979. "Dependency and the Part-time Proletariat in Taiwan." Modern China 5 (3): 381 - 408.

Working for the Group

In his article, "Why Do the Chinese Work So Hard? : Reflections on an Entrepreneurial Ethic," author Steven Harrell examines the stereotype of Chinese people being exceptionally hard workers. He provides many examples to reinforce this stereotype, many of which are specific to Taiwan. Harrell talks about his field trips to Ploughshare and how they revealed the stereotype of relentless hard work to be true. Ploughshare is "a village of industrial workers, miners, and small entrepreneurs in northern Taiwan"(p 203). During one of his trips there, Harrell was "lectured" by a local man, who claimed that "Taiwanese people, I think everybody knows, are the most hard - working in the world. You won't find any people anywhere, not you Americans or Japanese or anybody else, who is willing to work as hard as we do, and who does work as hard as we do" (p 203). This statement was supported by the fact that there were knitting workers within the village, who worked from early in the morning, all the way until midnight.  Another example that shows the the truth of the tireless worker stereotype, is provided by Norma Diamond, who talks about the fishing community on the Southwestern Coast of Taiwan. She claims that "the most crucial positive trait that the adult individual must show is the willingness to work hard and make maximal use of work time" (p 206). People who don't believe in this are criticized and referred to as being child - like. Harrell provides many examples that shows the Chinese/ Taiwanese do indeed work hard but the question remains, why do they do this?

There are many reasons why hard work is valued and tirelessly conducted. One of them includes socialization. The Chinese / Taiwanese are socialized to think positively about hard work. An example of this is given in the article, when Harrell mentions a study conducted on a group of middle - school Taiwanese boys. In this study, the students all rated work as one of the highest priorities. This is truly because a positive outlook towards work is "socialized into people very early" (p211). This value system is deeply embedded into the culture. When the Taiwanese knitting workers described why they worked so hard, they claimed simply that "there was that much work to be done" (p 204). Another reason why the Chinese / Taiwanese work so hard is because they are looking forward to a time when they have earned their freedom or time off from their service.  They are very motivated by this incentive. "Group orientation" is also a reason why so much hard work is conducted and it is very important (p 217). The people will work hard "for a group with which they identify" (p 217). This is a very interesting fact that supports the stereotype, which this article is focused on.

Although Stevan Harrell spends much of the article attempting to show the opposite side of the stereotype/ the people who do not believe in hard work, his idea about "group orientation" might be the most striking. This concept is what makes the Chinese / Taiwanese work ethic so unique. Working for the benefit of a group is a concept mostly foreign to the West, where the idea of individuality is heavily romanticized. This concept of working for the good of the collective is something that is beneficial to Taiwan specifically. If this ethic is perpetually believed in and followed, Taiwan can continue to develop positively as its own independent entity. Although stereotypes are often viewed as being simplistic and necessary to overcome, the label of "group orientated" hard workers, is surely a positive one to maintain.  

Work Cited

Harrell, Stevan. 1985. "Why Do the Chinese Work so Hard? Reflections on an Entrepreneurial Ethic." Modern China 11 (2) : 203 - 226. 

The Peaceful Approach of the Yami

In his article "The Yami of Koto-sho: A Japanese Colonial Experiment," Edmund Leach writes about a unique island people. The Yami, who inhabit the island of Koto-sho, are easy going, self sufficient and "extreme(ly)" (p 32) peaceful. To mariners who observe the island from afar, it looks like an "inhospitable rock in an increasingly storm ridden sea" (p 30). Even though outsiders mostly ignore Koto-sho and obviously do not know much about it, the Yami people's society functions smoothly and effectively. They are satisfied with the food on the island and find no other reason to reach out past their small piece of land. Yami are intentionally isolated and it works for them.

The Yami society functions smoothly and this becomes evident when the issue of food is in question. Their crops consist of taro, yams, millet and even though there is no wildlife on the island, their domestic livestock consist of goats, pigs and chickens (p 31). Generally, women tend to the agriculture and men do the fishing. The Yami people are mainly occupied by their need to gather food and the system they have developed, in terms of splitting up tasks, keeps them self-sufficient and functioning properly. Even though gathering food is considered an occupation, it is approached with a sense of ease and playfulness on the island. As Edmund Leach puts it, the Yami people make "no sharp distinction between work and play" (p 31). This is an interesting approach to work and certainly unique from a Western perspective. But maintaining this sense of satisfaction in regards to working and completing necessary tasks, allows the Yami people to be happily self - sufficient in their isolation.

The easy going Yami style shows up in all facets of their life. They do not see a reason to have chiefs or significant leaders in their society. There is an absence of dominant authority on the Koto-sho island. According to Leach, there is no reason for this because the people are so peaceful. The Yami people also see no need for money and function as a community despite the absence of currensy. The island is also free from constructs such as churches or temples. Their faith is mostly kept alive by imagination and ritual practices. Although schools do exist, they do not take away from the democratic/ equalist nature of the Yami. The children who attend school do not adopt "feelings of superiority" (p 37). It seems as if the Yami people are incapable of developing hierarchies even in a psychological sense.

Their approach to life, which is easygoing, peaceful and unquestionably rooted in equalism, is deeply internalized and allows them to function smoothly in their isolation. No outsider intervention is needed. The Yami people are not necessarily self - sufficient and satisfied with their way of life because of material reasons but rather an internal understanding, which allows them to be content in their situation. The Yami people live on a small island that may not seem like much to outsiders but to them, there is no urgent need for much more.


Work Cited


Leach, Edmund. 1937. "The Yami of Koto - sho: a Japanese Colonial Experiment." Geographical Magazine 5: 417 - 434.

Why Taiwan is Interesting on a National Level

Liminality as an anthropological concept refers to "the transitional

periods between two states of life" (p 52). A common example of this, is the

transition "between childhood and adulthood" (p 52). This is often referred to as a rite of passage. The concept of liminality guides Stephane Corcuff's article titled "The Liminality of Taiwan: A Case - Study in Geopolitics." In this article, Corcuff argues that the idea of liminality is relevant to the historic relations between Taiwan and China but not in a simple way. He states that the typical definition of liminality as a phase of transition is not completely useful in this case. Corcuff rather emphasizes the idea of liminality as a way of explaining a threshold. In the case of the relationship between China and Taiwan, "the larger entity," (p 55) although it is an undeniable influence on the smaller one, has never been able to fully consume it. This idea is just one of the many examples of how the connection between Taiwan and China is so complex. Stephan Corcuff stresses the concept of liminality throughout his article but he also raises the question of Taiwan's overall importance. Corcuff asks, why should Taiwan be of concern to anyone on a national level? Why is it interesting? He reveals the answer by explaining the complex relationship between Taiwan and China.

Taiwan is interesting precisely because of the complexities that exist in regards to its relations with China. In general, it has been difficult finding firm definitions in the matter. The historic connection between Taiwan and China can not be "identified and characterized" (p 43). As Stephane Corcuff put it, it as connection that is "neither this nor that" (p 43). Despite attempts at creating a complete definition, Corcuff believes that one can not be made. He gives the example of dependency theory and how it does not relate to this case. Although China has undoubtably had a great influence on Taiwan, full dependency does not exist. Taiwan is dependent on "Chinese manpower" for example, but it also "provides capital and high technology to China" (p 48). In the midst of the influence China has projected on the smaller country, Taiwanese culture has made its way into China as well. This is evident in the Taiwanese "way of life, including its pop music, food habits and delicacies, and some screen productions (films and entertainment)" (p 49) that has made its way into the Chinese cultural landscape. Stephane Corcuff proves that dependency theory does not define the relationship between Taiwan and China and that there can be no clear definition. This complexity is what makes Taiwan interesting, even on a national level. 

Work Cited

Corcuff, Stephane. 2012. "The Liminality of Taiwan: A Case - Study in Geopolitics." Taiwan in Comparative Perspective 4: 34 - 64. Online resource: https://www.google.ca/search?q=large+degree&rlz=1C5CHFA_enCA503CA503&oq=large+degree&aqs=chrome..69i57j0l5.1949j0j4&sourceid=chrome&espv=210&es_sm=91&ie=UTF-8#q=at+a+high+level+of+interest, last accessed January 13, 2013.